Tema: POLEMIKA. Atsargiai – GENDER! arba trumpa Europos vėžio istorija
Autorius: xX
Data: 2010-07-08 15:17:10

kažkas naudojasi mano nicku? 61221 ne mano.
Gerai, pabandysiu išsiaiškinti Vokietijos kalėjimuose uždarytų
"politiškai nekorektiškų" asmenų struktūrą, už ką jie sėdi cypėje
ir kiek ilgai ten kurortinasi. Tuoj rašau į Vokietijos ambasadą
laiškelį, turėtų jie suteikti man tokių duomenų. Tada pažiūrėsim,
ar mano hipotezė pasitvirtins. O ji yra paprasta, išplaukianti iš
minėtos nieko apie struktūrą nesakančios citatos More Germans are now
languishing in prison for expressing (unprogressive or insensitive)
opinions than there were in East Germany before the fall of the Communist
regime: "Didžioji dalis (tarkim, 98%) Vokietijos kalėjimuose kalinčių
dėl "politinio nekorektiškumo" pasisakė  prieš Vokietijos Konstituciją
ir tarp jų nei vieno nėra žudiko." Aš esu įsitikinęs, kad mano
prielaida teisinga ir be specialių įrodymų. Dėl to Degutis paėmė
Vokietijos, o ne kokios Anglijos, kurioje nebuvo nacizmo, pavyzdį.
Autorius, pasirinkdamas šaltinius, taip pat turi laikyti protingumo
kriterijaus - jei straipsnis pretenduoja į mokslinį, tai, pvz.,
nesiremiama geltonąja spauda. Bet vis tiek - jei mano hipotezė
pasitvirtins, tai galėsiu pačiomis didžiausiomis raidėmis parašyti,
kad Degutis ir re: yra sukčiai, vienas manipuliuoja duomenimis, siekdamas
patvirtinti savo pagrindinę mintį, kitas jį gina. 
Anas 10 puslapis, kuriame nėra nieko apie politnekorektiškumą, atrodo
taip:
 past. They now endorse multicultural educational plans, including
increasingly stiff laws against insensitive speech and writing. The Race
Relations Act passed in England in 1972 exemplifies this new kind of
socialist reform.

Chapter 2 examines the liberal Protestant character of the advanced
managerial state that has arisen in the United States and among its
cultural dependents. According to international relations scholar and
Presbyterian thinker James Kurth, the course of Protestant civilization,
extending from the search for individual salvation to expressive
individualism, human rights crusades, and wars against discrimination,
points up a constant pattern. This meandering journey represents a return
in different forms to an explicitly Protestant worldview: “All religions
are unique, but Protestantism is more unique than all others. No other is
so critical of hierarchy and community, or of the traditions and customs
that go with them. At its doctrinal base Protestantism is anti-hierarchy
and anti-community.” 15. Kurth adds to this thumbnail sketch of
Protestant religious character a theology and politics of intention, one
that infers spiritual worthiness from the believer's disposition. While a
secularizing transformation has taken place, Kurth insists, there is also
thematic and psychic continuity, from the self-examination of one looking
for evidence of divine grace to a mind cleansed of pathological thoughts. A
line, though not entirely a straight one, leads from the older religious
outlook, stressing a pure heart and a transformed consciousness, to the
politics of sensitivity.

Chapter 3 looks at the development of multiculturalism and political
correctness as Western currents connected to, though not completely
derivative from, American political and cultural influence. Social guilt,
antifascist education, and the search for subterranean prejudice are
integral to the moral mission of European politicians and intellectuals as
much as it is for their American preceptors. The mental cleansing that
European sensitizers desire must go so deep that it can never be brought to
completion. The road is indeed everything, but on the never-ending road
toward the unattainable goal, the prescribed reeducation warrants a
draconian control over citizens, who remain susceptible to old ways. This
process, we are told, is urgent, since any retreat from it may cause
society to turn “fascist, ” whatever that means at a given moment. The
reeducation demanded also points toward a postCommunist social Left, which
has pushed American liberal Protestant and therapeutic culture in a starkly
totalitarian direction.
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15. 	See James Kurth, “The Protestant Deformation and American Foreign
Policy, ” Orbis 42, no. 2 (spring 1998): 225.

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